IranWire

A series of high-profile appearances by Iranian state television hosts has drawn attention to the government’s use of media personalities to bolster its public image amid growing domestic and international challenges.

Sahar Emami, who continued broadcasting during an Israeli attack on Iran’s state television building, has received multiple "honors."

Other broadcasters have conducted controversial interviews and made provocative public statements - moves analysts say are part of a coordinated effort to project normalcy and social openness.

The media campaign comes as the Islamic Republic faces domestic unrest and international isolation, leading observers to question whether these orchestrated appearances represent genuine reform or are merely political theater aimed at preserving legitimacy.

Emami’s on-air performance during the Israeli strike has earned her a dizzying array of accolades.

Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro awarded her his country’s journalism prize and exchanged pleasantries with her in Persian.

Hadi Saei, head of Iran’s Taekwondo Federation, presented her with an honorary first-degree black belt.

Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei praised her "courage" in his first speech following the war.

Her image now adorns billboards across Tehran, and she has become a fixture on talk shows discussing her experience under fire.

The Tehran newspaper Hamvatan dubbed her a "legionnaire host" while questioning the flood of honors, writing, "Why isn't there anyone in this extensive system to tell the gentlemen that this war had heroes other than Ms. Emami?"

The media spotlight has also illuminated other controversial figures from Iran's state broadcasting network.

Zhila Sadeghi, known for her presentation style involving dramatic hand gestures and pacing around the studio, recently stirred debate during an interview on the online program "Rok."

Sadeghi, who holds American citizenship, has a history of making provocative statements on state television.

During Iran's 2023 elections, she appeared in a suit and skirt - an unusual choice for Iranian state TV - standing behind an Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) flag.

She thanked the IRGC for "defending the homeland" while mocking Yasmin Pahlavi, a member of Iran's former royal family, for accepting payment to attend a charity event.

Sometimes she has appeared in colorful Western-style suits and skirts, other times in traditional chadors, depending on the occasion.

In her recent interview, she admitted, "I'm not a chador-wearer, I don't believe in chadors at all, but I have a special chador for pilgrimage."

Many Iranians interpreted her shifting appearance as a calculated display of freedom designed to attract viewers and encourage participation in the political process.

The strategy reflects the Islamic Republic's ongoing struggle to balance religious establishment with the need to appear modern and accessible.

Another broadcaster, Ali Zia, has generated buzz through his internet talk show "With Zia," especially after interviewing Shahram Shabpareh, an Iranian pop singer who emigrated to Los Angeles after the 1979 Islamic Revolution.

The conversation, which went viral on social media, featured Shabpareh tearfully expressing his longing to return to Iran while criticizing life in the U.S., including complaints about health insurance and food quality.

The emotional interview raised eyebrows among Iranian social media users, many of whom viewed it as a government-orchestrated attempt to demonstrate openness and invite exiled artists back to Iran.

Zia's background adds to the skepticism - he previously worked for state television and has publicly expressed devotion to Khamenei, referring to him as his "spiritual father."

He also became emotional when discussing the death of Qasem Soleimani, the IRGC commander killed by a U.S. drone strike.

Critics point to the cautionary tale of Habib Mohebian, a pop singer who returned to Iran during Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's presidency under promises of performing opportunities.

Mohebian never received the promised permits and died of a heart attack in 2016, never having performed publicly after his return.

The media campaign extends to Reza Rashidpour, another state television host who has been banned from television multiple times.

Recent photos of him with participants from "Eshgh-e-abadi (Eternal Love)," Iran's first reality dating show, have sparked speculation about government connections to the program.

"Eshgh-e-abadi" features young men and women living together in a villa while searching for romance, content typically condemned by government media as vulgar.

The show's existence and Rashidpour's association with its participants have fueled theories about the Islamic Republic's willingness to tolerate previously taboo content.

Rashidpour has denied any political motivation, explaining that he encountered the reality show participants at a restaurant in Turkey and took photos with them without knowing who they were.

Social media users and political observers see a pattern emerging from these seemingly unrelated events.

They argue that the Iranian government, amid domestic crisis and international isolation, is using media personalities to project an image of social freedom and normalcy.

This strategy of controlled liberalization is not new for the Islamic Republic.

Throughout its history, the government has periodically eased social and cultural restrictions in times of crisis to gain public support.

The current media blitz appears to be its latest iteration of this approach.